The Fascist Question: Part I

Fascism. We hear the term almost daily in the media by the paranoid and the uneducated for the purpose of hurling insults, but ask them what it *is* and you will most likely be disappointed with the answer. In modern times, we associate this complicated ideology with racism or xenophobia, but the consideration of fascism's origins, particularly the aims of Mussolini in Italy, renders these supposed synonyms unsatisfactory. In reality, fascism should be more associated with a national awakening, an ideological force that binds a country together through war and the desire to return a failing state to both past and future glory. Owing to its reputation in the modern world, fascism's rich historical development has been virtually forgotten beyond the academic sphere and while it may never be a cohesive political ideology, it nevertheless deserves more attention than its current pejorative status. This shall be our primary aim.

In one of my earliest posts, I warned of the difficulty in using a strict "left-right" characterization for political ideologies, particularly for those born in contemporary times. We shall discover that this is particularly important for defining fascism, whose characteristics traditionally associated with the "far right" are actually quite scattered among historical regimes identified as fascist. For example, Nazism, an offshoot of traditional fascism, is typically called the far-right, despite being strongly centrist in the socioeconomic spectrum (e.g. right in censorship and artistic control, but left in the state's intervention in the economy). This sort of confusion throughout the masses, exacerbated by the media, is a strong reason for fascism's elusive nature. Once more, history seems an appropriate remedy, as it will allow us to bring together the ideological and societal elements involved in its creation. Perhaps then, we can begin to place it on a more realistic and contemporary foothold.

The turn of the twentieth century was a major time period for political ideology. One the one hand, Europe was engulfed in a nationalist desire for expansion and the resurrection (or preservation) of the monarchical structures that for so long had given its constituent nations their cultural identity. On the other, social democracy was on the rise and Marx's economic theories of labor and denunciation of capitalism was spreading like wildfire. The bourgeoisie, the dominant social class in capitalist society, was on the rise and sparked considerable resistance from those (proletariat) who saw them as suppressors of social mobility. Truly, Europe had become the center of conflict between the left and right, between social liberalism and monarchical conservatism.

Pan-Germanism, the belief that all German-speaking countries should be brought under a single nation, was a particularly potent sentiment at the time of World War I. In many ways, this was a reaction to the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire after the Napoleonic Wars, a state that had kept Germany unified for over a thousand years. Otto von Bismarck would attempt a re-unification of German states in the late nineteenth century, but difficulties with Kaiser Wilhelm II, the last monarch of the German Kingdom, led to Bismarck's fall from political power. This, however, did not stop the desire for a Großgermanisches Reich and matters came to a head in the outbreak of the war. These hopes, of course, were demolished following Germany's catastrophic defeat. The monarchy was abolished, the Kaiser was forced to abdicate, and a leftist democracy known as the Weimar Republic was created in its place, largely at the mercy of the other European powers. German nationalism, for the moment, had suffered defeat.

Lenin amid the Revolution, dread of the German People

Germany's people would not deal well with this turn of events. The harsh demands placed upon the country by the rest of Europe added salt to the already-stinging wounds of humiliation. Germany had been forced to abandon its imperial government, but many people still desired the return of the monarchy. However, the temporary destruction of the conservative powers allowed for Marxism to begin spreading its influence in Germany, striking fear among the classes that stood to lose everything if the communists gained power. The Russian Revolution led by the Bolsheviks added a realistic possibility for a similar seizure of power in Germany. Nationalism and conservatism may have been defeated, but it was not destroyed. The people longed for an autocratic regime that would stand up to the other European powers who has been using the Treaty of Versailles to impose humiliating demands upon the defeated nation. The middle and upper class desired a government that would ensure the destruction of Bolshevism and the purge of the communists from German society. Such sentiment would sow the seeds for the rise of Nazism and Hitler.

This sort of nationalism and hatred of leftist policy was not limited to Germany. Indeed, Nazism was merely an offshoot of an ideology that had grown in Italy, the true birthplace of fascism. Italy was a rather young nation at the time of World War I, its unification having been achieved in 1861 as a constitutional monarchy. Leftist politics began to flourish in the decades to follow, with the Italian Socialist Party rising to prominence and supporting the communist movement in Russia. However, the socialists became divided as to Italy's intervention in the war, with many of their members seeing the war as an opportunity to destroy Italy's monarchy from within, paving the way for a communist revolution. Others, however, desired Italy's territorial expansion and began moving towards the political right of the government, in favor of interventionism. One man in favor of the latter soon found himself at odds with the Socialist Party and began paving the way for a new political awakening in Italy. This man was Benito Mussolini.

Like Adolf Hitler in Germany, Mussolini came from humble origins, being the son of a blacksmith and schoolteacher. From an early age, he had been strongly influenced by the socialist beliefs of his father and espoused socialist ideology in Italy and Switzerland as a writer and editor. An avid reader of Nietzsche and Machiavelli, he became quickly drawn to the idea of violent action as a means of achieving political success. It is likely that these ideas influenced his increasing support for Italy's participation in World War I, despite initial opposition. His support for the war eventually led to his break from the Italian Socialist Party in 1914, by which time he had largely abandoned its political platform. Mussolini would then serve in Italy's military until 1917, when an accidental mortar explosion had him discharged. Returning to civilian life, he had decided that the time had come for a new political movement to revive Italy.

The term "fascism" had been coined in 1914 by revolutionaries who sought to rally support for Italy's involvement in World War I. The term is derived from the fasces, the tightly-bound bundles of sticks that were carried by the consuls and dictators of ancient Rome, their traditional symbols of authority. However, it would not be until 1919 when Mussolini brought fascism into political light, forming a small paramilitary unit (the Blackshirts) to carry out attacks on socialists and further their political agenda. It was at this time that Mussolini sought to solidify the tenets of fascism, as outlined in the Fascist Manifesto, published a few months after the formation of the squadristi.

"Italian Fascism" would thus form the original doctrine from which all of its variants would follow and for this reason, understanding its fundamentals perhaps allows for one of the most realistic understandings of fascism in general. Contrary to popular belief, it was never conceived as a far-right movement--Mussolini often heralded it as the "Third Way", a compromise between socialist and capitalist doctrine, whose appeal to both sides of the socioeconomic spectrum would allow for a unified nation. Italian Fascism, in fact, should never be thought of as more than a center-right movement, though this interpretation rests partially on if one subscribes to a two-dimensional interpretation of the political spectrum (compass).

Without question (and indeed for the entirety of fascist doctrine), nationalism was perhaps the single most important element. Mussolini would frequently draw upon Italy as the cultural center of Europe, due to its influential history as the site of the former Roman Empire. The push for Italy to extend its influence over Mediterranean nations, often by conquest, was a primary aim during the fascist regime; its justification was based upon the belief that Italians were the cultural heirs of Europe and only by binding its people together, could this be achieved. Events of post World-War I partially influenced this belief. For example, in 1919 the literary poet Gabriele D'Annunzio seized a primarily Italian city in modern Croatia known as Fiume, out of anger for Italy's surrender of territories after the war. Declaring Fiume as a city-state, D'Annunzio briefly ruled in a traditional Roman style: he addressed his troops as "legionaries", gave the Roman salute, and referred to himself as Duce (leader). Such theatrics would greatly influence fascism's public presentation and added to its belief in returning to Italy's glorious past.

Benito Mussolini at a Rally

While nationalist sentiment created a right-wing stratification among Italy and her cultural rivals, Mussolini simultaneously sought to eliminate class conflict within the populace, believing it to be at odds with the goal of uniting the nation. The primary method of doing was through a state takeover of major industries and trade unions, under an economic philosophy known as corporatism. This was effectively the belief that national interests could be achieved by binding enterprise to the State, which resulted in an increased emphasis on central planning and the settling of disputes between businesses and trade unions by the government. Large businesses and industrialists were appeased through the abolition of certain taxes, outlawing unions, and removing workers' right to strike. State intervention in the economy helped to soften the blow of the Great Depression, though this may have been more due to the fact that Italy was largely an agrarian nation and simply did not have the capacity to be hit as hard as more industrial nations, such as Germany.

Large-scale public works programs also characterized many of the State's undertakings during Mussolini's reign as a means to provide mass employment, as well as bring about what was seen as a much-needed cultural awakening. This may have been inspired by Italy's Roman past, as the initiation of construction projects were often done for the sake of both highlighting the achievements of Roman politicians and to honor the Gods via remarkable cultural displays. Efforts of such magnitude were similarly done under the Fascist's so-called "Battle for Grain" and "Battle for Land", aimed at bolstering the agricultural sector by subsidizing farmers and resettling those in need on the newly-drained Pontine Marshes.

Such economic policies, seeking to appease both the entrepreneur and working class, largely accounted for the centrist nature of Fascist Italy. The nationalist desire to extend its cultural influence throughout Europe, often through conquest or other forms of subjugation, pushed it farther towards the socioeconomic Right. Thus, we should safely classify it on the horizontal axis of the political plane as Center-Right. What about the vertical?

Undoubtedly, the more controversial aspects of Fascism are its authoritarian elements. From its beginning, Fascist philosophy focused on the destruction of opposition, largely through violent intimidation, the censorship of public media, and widespread crackdowns on subversive political groups. This also included the overall aim to construct a single-party totalitarian state, under the rule of a dictatorial head of state. Despite the strong, modern connotations associated with totalitarianism, Italian Fascists espoused it as a means of achieving national unity in which the efforts of the people and their leader were synonymous with the desire to achieve greatness. Only by binding all societal aspects to the state could a nation achieve its maximum potential.

War was an integral part of the Fascist society; Mussolini described war as bringing

"up to their highest tension all human energies" and imposing "the stamp of nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to make it". In other words, it was among the highest events of human history, capable of forging powerful states through conquest and expansionism, as well as binding people together for a common purpose. This was not a particularly original viewpoint; much of previous human history has centered around conquest and the growth of empires, from the rule of the Caesars, to the Napoleonic Wars, to British Colonialism. Fascism simply sought to romanticize it in a modern fashion, seeing it as the solution to uniting people against the threats of socialism, pacifism, and liberalism.

Indeed, Fascism is highly anti-democratic and opposes most social elements of the Left. That is, it rejects egalitarianism (equality for all), parliamentary democracy, multi-party systems, freedom of the press, and often opposed women's rights (supporting conservative marriage structures). These ideas, it is believed, foster unnecessary diversity and create divisive, opposing factions among society. Fascism holds that only a strong state can secure the greatest prosperity for its citizens and considers the attempt to maximize liberty among a citizenry to be an illusion.

Multiculturalism likewise suffers under Fascism, for its nationalist philosophy fundamentally disregards the interests of foreign nations, particularly those that the State deems culturally subordinate or inferior. Xenophobia stems naturally from this viewpoint, though it should be noted that the degree to which it was implemented in the fascist states of World War II varied greatly, ranging from outright barbarism in Nazi Germany, to mere disdain in Fascist Italy (becoming worse only when Italy became a Nazi puppet state in later years). An equality among races and cultures, in fascist doctrine, is impossible if the nation state is to survive--one thus anticipates a hierarchy in the social order.

We shall now pause and direct further consideration to the second half of this post.

The Fascist Question: Part II

Having extensively covered the historical points of fascism's father doctrine, Italian Fascism, let's pause to consider what we know thus far. Fascism should be characterized by:

• Fierce nationalism, a call for the rise or rebirth of a unified nation-state.
• Glorification of war and conquest.
• A hierarchical social order, likely based on ethnicity or culture.
• Authoritarian policies to promote order and stability; these include the suppression of the press, surveillance networks, and the use of paramilitary units.
• The creation of a totalitarian state, often under the aegis of dictatorship.
• Strong state involvement in the economy, Corporatism.
• Disdain for liberalism.

Thus, while people often associate fascism with the fourth or fifth point, these are mostly just means to an end, so to speak, in the fascist doctrine. More attention should be given to the first three, as these more accurately capture fascism's essence. Indeed, there are regimes all over the modern world that have authoritarian elements or are run by autocratic governments, but it would be inaccurate to call them fascist states, unless they are calling for the rise and hegemony of a national entity.

While we dealt previously with the comparatively well-tempered version of Italian Fascism, this is emphatically not the version called upon by the attacks in modern dialogue. Indeed, fascism took on an even father-right manifestation in Nazi Germany, one much more concerned with social control. We turn to this next, to be followed by briefly mentioning the paltry existence of fascism in the modern world, then with some concluding remarks.

Nazism is generally considered to be the more extreme offshoot of Italian Fascism; it is accurate to say that while all Nazism is fascism, not all fascism is Nazism. While it is true that those in the Reich (Hitler especially) borrowed heavily from the fascist styles and attitudes in Italy, Nazism argued for its superiority on the basis of social Darwinism and racial eugenics, policies which Mussolini generally rejected. Unlike Italy, it was not so much an appeal to historical and cultural superiority as it was a belief in the Aryan race, the only one fit to guide Germany towards new heights.

Such radical theories naturally required policies aimed at "purifying" the nation of those deemed unfit to participate in society. Those who could not work, the disabled and sickly, were exterminated via lethal injection or firing squad, as were those who carried genetic disorders. People deemed "incorrigible" or prone to genetic dispositions towards crime were sterilized. On the opposite end, those who fell into the desirable racial classes were encouraged to breed, with the state encouraging (often enforcing) woman to be housewives, while many young men were trained with the sole intention of preparing for war. The extreme anti-intellectualism of the Third Reich would likewise purge suspected enemies from universities, degrading them to mere institutions geared towards war and "racial science". Even the churches became targets with the intention of creating a new form of Aryan Christianity, though this met with little success.

During the events of World War II, Germany's racial enemies (Jews, Slavs, Poles, Gypsies, etc) became subject to unimaginable cruelty due to being considered "sub-human". The Holocaust would claim over tens of millions of lives in the form of Jewish prisoners, Soviet POWs, Poles, Slavs, and Gypsies, due to mass exterminations carried out in concentration camps. The concept of Lebensraum, "living space", formed the basis for the Nazi's plan to conquer Europe and establish a Greater German Reich, expelling and exterminating racial enemies while planning to colonize new territories with Aryan inhabitants. As an example, consider the declaration by Hitler: "Asia, what a disquieting reservoir of men! The safety of Europe will not be assured until we have driven Asia back behind the Urals. No organized Russian state must be allowed to exist west of that line."

Nazi Nuremberg Rally

The Nazi regime likewise took totalitarianism to new heights, far beyond even that of Fascist Italy. Mussolini, though head of state, was not head of government and remained subordinate to the Italian king (by which he was eventually deposed). Hitler, by contrast, was both head of state and government, having abolished the presidency upon Hindenburg's death and wielded virtually unchecked authority for the remainder of his life. Nazi police, paramilitary, and surveillance forces, such as the Gestapo and Schutzstaffel (SS) were far more extensive than any organization in Fascist Italy and the propaganda program, under the guidance of Goebbels, to which German citizens were subjugated permeated virtually every aspect of society. One is hard pressed to present an additional example of a nation whose government tried so desperately to bend the citizenry to its will (perhaps North Korea).

Like Fascist Italy, the initial Nazi approach to the economy was one in which state and industry merged for a common purpose. Due to the much-greater industrial capacity of Germany, their policies met with more arguable success, particularly in the preparation for war. Large-scale works were similarly adopted, such as the German Autobahn, helping to reduce the staggering unemployment, but trade unions disappeared, wages fell, and working hours posed significant health problems. Large companies and corporations, though initially granted capitalist control, eventually all fell to the Reich's demands in a so-called "command capitalism" fashion, with the profit motive all but disappearing. Due to the increasing demands placed upon industries by the Nazis, significant deficits were incurred and the availability of goods began to fall dramatically. This was mitigated slightly due to the exploitation of conquered resources, but near the end of the war, a serious economic crisis began to plague Germany.

In the end, it can be safely said that the entirety of Nazi policy centered around conquest and racial hegemony. Including the characteristics listed at the beginning of this chapter, Nazism structured its social hierarchy on the basis of Aryan racial policies and significantly expanded its totalitarian aims. One would certainly expect it to be farther towards the extremities in the upper-right corner of the political plane than Italian Fascism, as its authoritarian and conservative social policies were simply greater in magnitude. Considering the sheer scale of the destruction inflicted upon the world by such fanaticism, it is no surprise that no significant resurgence has since occurred since. However, the modern world is unfortunately plagued by a wide range of Neo-Nazi enclaves in virtually every major nation, though significant efforts to suppress their efforts have kept their numbers low. What was once an ideological philosophy has been reduced to confinement in hate speech groups.

Psychologically speaking, what draws one to the fascist doctrine? I myself have been drawn to at least a few of its aspects, particularly its emphasis on national unity, romanticism of war, and disdain for liberal policy. In high school, teenage angst certainly contributed in driving me towards a fascination with war and power, but I contend that there are more legitimate reasons for fascism's appeal. The human appreciation, if not desire, for war and conflict has been in existence since recorded history. Conquest among empires has been the sole mechanism behind the formation of the nations we know today and has brought with it countless works of art and film dedicated to capturing its emotional depths--Shostakovich's 'Leningrad' symphony is among my favorite orchestral works, but would not exist in its present form had the Russians simply surrendered to Nazi forces to avoid bloodshed. We do not appreciate the ocean because it has lifeless stillness, but because it ebbs and flows via turbulent tides.

Nationalism likewise carries great potential in its ability to bind people together and work towards a common purpose, though it should certainly *not* be based on beliefs as exhibited in Nazism (eugenics has a poor scientific basis apart from its abhorrent ethical practices). A theory in Roman history is that the empire suffered serious structural weakness in later years due to having lost a sense of what "Roman" meant to its citizenry, particularly when Germanic military leaders began taking more substantial positions of leadership. Here in the United States, we have been able to forge a single identity not on ethnicity (our diversity is unparalleled), but based upon a melting-pot inclusiveness that champions hard work and the pursuit of happiness. It is my belief that the loss of this enthusiasm, partially due to misguided liberal policy, is a major contributing factor to our current divisiveness.

Famous WWII Iwo Jima Photo

Suffice it to say that fascism has appealing qualities. Its nationalist appeal can bind together a nation for great purposes; I envision an ambitious future leader in the United States, for example, who appeals to our nation's innovative history for the purpose of ushering in a new era of technological achievement, bringing us farther into the frontiers of space. Fascism's romanticism of war and conflict could rejuvenate our military leaders, encouraging more decisive action needed to bring a faster end to the elongated crises plaguing the world. Its authoritarian crackdown on democracy would serve to counter the rapidly-expanding liberal policies that have bred division and internal chaos. Wherever egalitarian policies have outlived their usefulness, tempered fascism could be used to restore the balance, a palingenesis (rebirth) of nations.

On the other hand, the anti-intellectualism present in fascism is anathema to higher education and free thinking. Nowhere was this more evident in the human capital flight in German universities during Nazi rule, particularly the University of Göttingen. A purge of great intelligentsia (Einstein, Fermi, Freud, etc) reduced world-renowned institutions to schools of Nazi indoctrination. Indeed, extreme conservatism or far-right thought is generally linked to poorly-educated individuals or those of lower IQ, a phenomenon that I have personally observed during the unprecedented success of Donald Trump's presidential campaign.

Additionally, the consistent push for war is resource-intensive, with prolonged engagement being unsustainable. Indeed, Nazi Germany operated solely for the purpose of conquest, bringing it to utter economic ruin on all fronts. A lack of sustainability similarly comes from the tyrannical methods imposed by its leaders; dictatorships generally do not survive successions and require persistent crackdowns on dissent. Though dictatorial power can be used effectively and relatively justly, historical examples of such are rare.

I conclude that if fascism is to have political usefulness, it cannot be more than an intermediary force between regimes. Its lack of sustainability and potential for unchecked damage to those outside of the national interest is evidence of such. It has great power to revive decades of political inertia within a nation, but such power threatens to burn its movement out if not properly transformed within a certain time frame. If fascism is have any place in the future, it should be to destroy the vestiges of a lethargic, corrupt state and use its authoritarian policies to set new ones in place. It is possible that even new democratic regimes can be born in the fires of fascism, with proper leadership.

Thus...what is fascism? It's a nationalist awakening, a call to a nation's citizenry to bind together for the purposes of restoring past glory and ensuring future dominance through war. It seeks to implement national hierarchies and ensures security and stability through authoritarian measures, under autocratic leadership. Its people consider themselves exceptional, either through historical and cultural accomplishment or by racial superiority. Fascism is a complex philosophy, its history rich and cannot be made synonymous with its fundamental elements. When one utters "fascist" they must be referring to what has been described. If not, they are to be intellectually discredited.

Happy March, everyone.